A lot has been said about improper waste management in Imphal, and I guess there is no harm if I added more stink to the already rotten discussion.

Firstly, waste collection is a matter of luck here. If you keep dumping at your backyard and nobody collects the pile, keep dumping. Kitchen garbage has a way or sorting itself out and nothing disappears faster from your mind than garbage -- while your neighbours breathe in the hellish stench of your last night's leftover pork.

Secondly, the kinds of buildings people erect these days are quite different from those we saw 10 years ago, when disposable income came from working in government departments and houses were modestly built. Today, young people with big earning power -- both in and outside the state -- are experimenting with how they build their homes in Imphal. What they don't pay attention to is the drainage system. The vintage 'kongban' can't take the load discharged by modern households.
And thirdly, who cares?

The most-visible example is the unholy mess that has set in on RIMS Road. The place has been dug up and left to rot. One can easily make out that the equipment used to execute the project is rarely used. Any good observer will instantly noticanse a sense of paralysis in the project -- the potholes have turned into breeding grounds for mosquitoes, used plastics are scattered everywhere, the water has turned black, flies sit on everywhere and the whole place speaks volumes about neglect from common people and authorities alike.

If you ask around, everybody talks casually about how funds for the project must have been eaten up. So is the case with every damn project you complain about. The answer never changes -- funds eaten up and turned into shit. It's no secret that the Centre pours in tons and tons of money into the state. It's a different matter that New Delhi doesn't have good experience in handling political unrest in Manipur. Right now I am talking about waste management, not Muivah. So coming back, funds from the Centre keep disappearing into a blackhole in the CM's office.

When politicians are too miserly to put the right amount of money in improving drains and sanitation facilities -- even a cat needs a clean place to relieve itself -- God knows what awaits us in other big infrastructure projects.

25 June 2010, Geneva

The International Peace Bureau is delighted to announce that Binalakshmi Nepram, founder of Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network and Secretary-General of Control Arms Foundation of India, is to be awarded the Sean MacBride Peace Prize 2010. The prize is awarded annually by the International Peace Bureau (IPB), founded in 1891. It is named after Sean MacBride, a distinguished Irish statesman who shared the 1974 Nobel Peace Prize, and is given to individuals or organisations for their outstanding work for peace, disarmament and human rights. (details at: http://ipb.org/i/about-ipb/II-F-mac-bride-peace-prize.html)

IPB's Secretary-General Colin Archer said: “It gives me enormous pleasure to convey the IPB Board's decision to award Ms Binalakshmi Nepram the 2010 Sean MacBride Peace Prize in recognition of her extraordinary efforts to promote disarmament and an end to gun violence in India. Her pioneering work with both the Manipuri Women's Gun Survivor Network and the Control Arms Foundation of India has demonstrated deep determination and commitment - in particular to the linkage between disarmament and development, which is a vital topic for the IPB. Her achievements offer an inspiring model for activists in other parts of the world”.

The Prize, a silver medal contributed annually by the Irish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, will be awarded to Ms Nepram on 23rd September 2010 at the Nobel Centre in the Norwegian capital Oslo, at a ceremony to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the International Peace Bureau in 1910. The ceremony also serves as the opening session of the IPB’s Triennial Conference, entitled ‘A Climate of Peace’. (see details at: http://www.ipb.org)

In a statement issued in New Delhi, Binlakshmi Nepram wrote: “I am deeply humbled to hear that I have been awarded the Sean MacBride Peace Prize for 2010. The journey for peace, justice, universal disarmament and a world free of war is long and challenging. But news such as this motivates me and my team at Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network and Control Arms Foundation of India to keep working for a peaceful world with dedication and strength in our hearts. I dedicate this award to the struggling people of Manipur in Northeast India and in other conflict zones around the world for whom a life in peace is still a distant dream. We have a long tiring road to walk together”.

About Ms Binalakshmi Nepram

Ms Binalakshmi Nepram is a writer-activist born in India's northeastern state of Manipur. She is the daughter of Nepram Bihari Singh and Yensembam Ibemhal Devi of Sagolband Nepra Menjor Leikai, Imphal, Manipur, and holds a Master of Philiosophy degree in South Asian Studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

In 2004, Ms Nepram co-founded Control Arms Foundation of India, the first Indian civil society organization to work on conventional disarmament issues and to make disarmament an issue that is meaningful to people's lives. Three years later, in 2007, she also set up the Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network in her home state of Manipur to help women and children affected by gun violence.

Ms Nepram is also leading the civil society work in India on the issues of landmines, cluster bombs and the International Arms Trade Treaty. She has represented Indian civil society at the United Nations in several fora such as those related to the Control Arms campaign, disarmament and the Commission on the Status of Women. She has also published research articles and several books.

About IPB

The International Peace Bureau is dedicated to the vision of a World Without War. We are a Nobel Peace Laureate (1910), and over the years 13 of our officers have been recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize. Our 320 member organisations in 70 countries, and individual members, form a global network which brings together expertise and campaigning experience in a common cause. Our main programme centres on Sustainable Disarmament for Sustainable Development.

+ Now on Facebook! http://www.facebook.com/ipb1910

+ on Twitter too: http://twitter.com/IntlPeaceBureau

+ Nobel Peace Prize centenary conference: Oslo, Sept. 23-26, 2010 - http://ipb100.org

+ Making Peace' exhibition programme: Geneva, 6 June - 4 July, 2010 - http://www.makingpeace.org

For further details, please contact:

(Mr) Colin Archer, Secretary-General

International Peace Bureau

41 rue de Zurich, 1201 Geneva, Switzerland.

Email: secgen@ipb.org

Tel: +41-22-731-6429, Fax: 738-9419

Website: www.ipb.org

(Ms.) Binalakshmi Nepram, Secretary-General

Office of Control Arms Foundation of India & Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network

B 5 / 146, First Floor, Safdarjung Enclave

New Delhi - 110 029, India

Email : Binalakshmi@gmail.com

Mobile : +91-9868233373

Tel: +91-11-46018541 Fax : +91-11-26166234

Website : www.cafi-online.org

With only a few sources of revenue available for the state government, and that too not enough to run its own house, Ibobi has hit the jackpot this time -- turn anybody who wants a job into a policeman. Of course in exchange for a hefty sum. Also, one can't tell for sure whether the wannabe cops are not suffering from mental illness, as is often the case.

Who suffers? I guess that would be you and I.

Ibobi and his team have become so desperate for crisp rupee notes that they have set up a system where everybody gets a reasonable cut, starting from the lowest footsoldier to the CM himself. This very network is the one that is currently playing host in the police recruitment process. The money taken from 'confirmed' candidates is good 'revenue' money because other sources of income are drying up.

Very few households in the state actually have the decency to pay electricity bills. Transport department officers eat road taxes right at the toll gates. The money deducted from income-tax goes someplace nobody knows. But the government has to keep itself breathing anyhow -- and things always turn bad when it comes to the point of anyhow.

The police department had the misfortune of being the scapegoat. Even if there is no need for more armed men of both types -- those who work under the law and those who don't -- the state government makes New Delhi believe that the former needs more firepower to combat insurgency and hence more money. The department that's eligible for upgradation is naturally the police force. But back home we all know what the Central funds are for. In fact the sentence should be: we know for whom the funds are for.

Ibobi has a solid understanding that there is no sense in providing jobs in other fields such as education and agriculture because power flows from the barrel of an AK-47. With power comes money and how to get it is child's play.

The problem doesn't end here. Out on the streets when it comes to actual law enforcement activities, the fine line between cops and insurgents is erased. This would not have happened if the right people were recruited instead of signing up any random madman who had the means to pay the nulti-lakh bribe. The professional conduct of a former drunkard or a drug-abuser is quite different from a graduate who joined the force through the proper method.

The solution is in everybody cleaning their backyard first. This is a difficult task but a necessary one. Instead of givng lip-service they should ensure their own friends and family members are 'clean enough' to become a police officer. Don't put money into the pocket of a crude minister whose only skill in the real world wouldn't qualify him even for the post of junior toilet cleaner.

That hard-earned money you have can be put into a venture of your own or for further studies. Think about it. Even the life of a tainted cop is not an easy walk in the park. This state needs more entreprenuers than anything else. All one needs is vision and courage to take the right risk.

Otherwise you will see bulls on parade everyday for the rest of your life in the small town that you call home.

One should not get used to some things. For example, one should not get used to stealing fuel trucks and selling or buying stolen fuel.

What's happening in Manipur, especially Imphal, where the number of vehicles is higher, is that both the seller and the buyer have turned into petty thieves. If one looked around, one would see a funny situation unfolding -- petrol bunks are nailed shut but people with umbrellas squat on the roadside right in front of the bunks and sell fuel in bottles that look like cheap orange juice. Those who stop to buy it don't ever wonder at the absurdity of the sight. But who can blame them when even the minimum number of fuel-carrying trucks are not coming?

Say again? Well, there is enough fuel to make the entire vehicle-using population happy but not enough honest people to market it.  

At first, it was the opposition against Th Muivah's failed entry into Manipur that occupied everybody. Then they got busy discussing ways to open the blocked highway. Now that their wish has been fulfilled, they have gone back to their default mode -- making quick bucks.

Let's face it. The price of fuel is still high not because the tanks have run dry but because some well-connected people have hidden the booty. How can anybody make a four-ton truck filled to the brim with flammable liquid disappear? This is a tough job to do, and any criminal worth his salt would tell you that he can't do the task single-handedly. That means to make more than 20 trucks 'disappear' would need a well-oiled system of organized thugs. You guess who could be the guards looking after this machinery, who the managers are, who the marketeers are and who the suppliers are. Even a kid won't believe you if you said the government doesn't know the location of the hole where stolen fuel is being pumped and stored.   

Are we pointing fingers at the government? Yes, we are, and that's the only sensible direction where our fingers should be pointing at. It's a government that encourages people to steal things and sell for heavenly prices because the person sitting in the highest chair himself is not exactly a saint. You know who I am talking about.

Muivah may have failed in entering Manipur but his visit has certainly turned us into looting maniacs. Yes, there is shortage of fuel and food due to the long highway blockade, but the problem we face now is not the severe lack of resources but the severe lack of conscience. Just because conscience can't fill your stomach doesn't mean you don't need it.

Now it's common to see people suddenly approach you from nowhere and whisper in your ear, "You want petrol for Rs 70?" This is a habit that will stick for a long time even after the situation has returned to normal. Although some goods have arrived and people only need to make a beeline to proper stores to buy things, they won't because they have got used to dealing with short-cuts. I won't be surprised if people start operating ATMs in 'black' here.

So it's important not to get used to certain things, for example, living the life of a thief when you have a choice to live like a good person.

The editorial on June 22 'Terha sal baad' that appeared in The Sangai Express raised a crucial point that so far has not been discussed enough but one that carries the highest importance. It asked whether Nagas in Nagaland itself are comfortable to the idea of fighting for a Greater Lim.

It's necessary to ask how far people in Nagaland are willing to go in support of Th Muivah's dream. The problem lies in being misled. After Muivah could not enter his hometown, he went about discussing Greater Lim with people in Nagaland, and in doing so he has revealed his intention of coming to the region in the first place -- he came not because he missed his birthplace but because he wanted to further politicize an already volatile situation. People in both the states had been holding on to a thin thread of understanding that both communities need each other for development. But we -- Nagas and Manipuris alike -- allowed Muivah to grease the rails right under our nose and everybody lost their grip.

Muivah has also succeeded in distorting the idea of Manipur, the idea that it is a place where people of several communities live without hard feelings. Manipur has always been the tolerant one. It has never placed unfair demands. It knows the value of the freedom to choose. This state is home to many communities, and everybody here is free to do what they like. But that freedom should not be misused. Muivah has invented a threat to the Nagas and skillfully engineered this non-existent threat to create ethnic trouble. Ask any person in Manipur, is there a threat to the Nagas?

In his hurry, Muivah was too short-sighted to see the implications of forcing his way into Manipur. He may be right in his own strange ways but Central leaders in New Delhi, no matter what they say, will always view Muivah as a hostile person because he is not only the head of a 'militant' group  but he also tried to lock horns with a legitimate state government. In the long run, no politician in the Centre will risk a full-blown media assault by antagonizing a Congress-ruled state for the simple reason that the ruling party in the Centre is the same.

Muivah also shot himself on the foot by breaking several laws. In his mind he lives in Greater Lim but his body is firmly planted on Indian soil as we speak, hence Indian laws apply to him as well. He can't dictate terms to the Manipur government because the state government is on the right side of the law. Anybody who threatens a state is an anarchist. In the most extreme case, a simple arrest warrant from the high court is good enough to nail Muivah while he is still roaming about in the region.

Muivah also made the mistake of putting the reputation of the Nagas at an all-time low. My friends in Nagaland in no way are hostile to me, and I enjoy their hospitality as much as they enjoy mine. Of course this is a personal example but it can also be seen from a larger context. The ground reality in Nagaland is that many people say Muivah is trying to hijack the Naga polity as a whole by becoming the supreme commander. He is after all the one who owns the army. This throws up a question -- what exactly does he wants? From what he has been up to of late, it makes perfect sense to say that he has been working to make himself grow, not the people of Nagaland.

Naturally, a large section of people in Nagaland are upset that Muivah has sent out a crude, immature image to the world outside, misrepresenting Nagaland as a place where only savages roam instead of the modern region that it is.

After the high-drama that went on for almost two months, other states in the North East are viewing Nagaland with a twinge of malice. Think about it: would businesspersons in Assam or Sikkim want to invest in Nagaland given the show of muscles by way of blocking the only highway that leads to Manipur? How can one be sure that next time a group of disgruntled students won't block the road because businesspersons from other states are exporting the fruits of their labour from Nagaland? Trust is something Muivah has killed.

And what about the students' unions? They may carry some weight in their violent arms but in the long run everybody knows that students' unions are a joke played in the political process, sort of a side act in a circus that serves nothing more than warm up the audience harmlessly. New Delhi had to hear the pleas of the unions because time was running out. But it's foolish for member students to assume that the same unions will be allowed to play blackmail next time. The Centre knows that no matter how experienced a students' union may be in politics, it still remains a students' body. Such groups of young people should stick with their universities and not meddle in real-world politicking. Not in one instance has a students' body won over a legitimate government. Yes, any youth movement looks romantic and noble, but beyond that such groups have no application. Every troublemaker has been crushed by governments eventually.

The classroom is the right place for people who block crucial National Highways for no good reason.

After long time one of my lousy morning in Manipur, I was unexpectedly stricken with a fear known to all journalists: Did I come all the way (having travelled on non-existing NH-39 from Mao Gate to Imphal) in search of a story (Insurgents Feeling Heat)? A news items published in one of the local news papers under heading: “RPF castigates Police/ Military Duplicity” has expressed everything itself. The Publication houses in Manipur seems to be under some hidden heat, may be because of the same ‘diktat’. As we all know that scenario in the state is not conducive and the job before the media has never been easy. At one end it has to come to terms with the immediate law and order fallouts, which include covert and overt intimidation from various insurgent groups to forgo the right to edict of people. On the other, despite these hurdles, the need still remains to tread carefully so as not to end up being blind to the finer undercurrents and dynamics of the society, which drive insurgency. There is also the other danger of the state coming down on the media if it is seen to have crossed the limits of the law in doing things and putting them in fine balance. Despite knowing that, It is indeed a tightrope walk for Journalists operating in the regions of insurgency, I tried to do the retrospection of situation in the state and had put my best efforts to find out trends emerging in last three months in relations to insurgency related fatalities, damage to insurgent groups, pain suffered by the people of the state and stake of security forces (Military, Paramilitary and Police).

Militarization of state and society has been the main cause of worry for every citizen, even for military itself. One of my friends has mentioned (as data also available) that more than 50,000 troop are deployed (other than police and commandos) in the state to eliminate or bring the existing 44 insurgents groups to the negotiating table. The ratio of Manipur police has 627 policemen per 100,000 population a ratio that is dramatically higher than Assam (176) and the national average, at 125. Nevertheless the State Government plans to recruit more Policemen and induct 1600 more Police Commandos in addition to the existing strength. Despite the augmenting availability of Police in the state and reduction in violence during 2009, it remains the case that the State lacks the political will to confront the insurgents on a sustained basis.

Due to the pressure from Army, Assam Rifles and Police Commandos, groups active in populated areas are on the run. Earlier commandos were deployed in the district headquarters but now in a small team attached to every Police Station. They, inconjunction with other (Military and Para Military) forces are trying to push insurgents away from the populated areas. Recent success, in last three months: killing of two top PLA cadres, arrest of financial secretary of RPF, arrest of Self Style Commander-in-Chief of KYKL from & Shillong has given the important blow to these organisations. As per information available, in this year-2010 hundreds of cadres from UNLF, PLA & KYKL have deserted their camps. Reasons :could be the monetary assistance by UGs group to the family of cadres not being paid as promised. Hardship faced by them in Jungle because of the restricted moments towards populated areas for logistic support. Recent buzz in the air about ‘parallel operations against rebel in Myanmar’ as reported by media is also being visualized as one of cause of desertion.

Who is feeling the heat: It could be the matter of endless debate but a common man is definitely feeling the heat. The need of the hour is peace, development and of course the good governance. People in the state are having many questions with them so as I:

• • When will all this end?
  • When can the common man’s primary worry be only to provide his or her children a good education and a future and not when or where the next trouble spot will be?
  • When will the state see the good governance?
  • When will these politicians be taking the moral responsibility for the dignity and development of the state?
  • When this mindless bloodshed will come to an end?
  • When will our ‘fourth state’ in Manipur be able to function fearlessly?
  • When will these violent insurgent groups stop passing diktat & demand notes and stop killing the very poor Non-Manipuris?

All these above questions may have been asked a thousand times before and have now become redundant because nobody seems really interested in the answers not even those who regularly ask them. Manipur is already in the midst of deep crisis. The administration has lost its core value and has faded away gradually and there is neither law nor order. Anybody and everybody hold the state to ransom as many times as they want. 44 violent insurgent groups continue to further their insidious agenda. The highways are infested with ‘goons and guns’ and unsafe even during the day. Of course in last three months there have been some improvement in situation but not that, you can start imagining that ‘peace is back’ in the state.

Recently in Delhi, a seminar of all media persons from the country and Northeast was conducted. Seminar hall was jam packed with renowned and budding Journalists. The most important question for me in that seminar was that: why North Eastern States are out of the Map of the Media? After lots of debate the answer we could mull out that: It is because there are no big business houses and national or multinational companies existing in the region who could sponsor and afford the big electronic and print media houses. It was also mentioned later in various news dailies in the region that the region holds 4% of total populations of the country and 7% of total land of India but coverage is much lower than it should have. Morale of the story is that where there is violence, non existence of good governance, no development, diktats, ransom kidnapping & mindless killings no companies or firms are interested. Since no production houses and companies are interested here the job opportunities have also vanished and our young generation is forced to leave for jobs or those who couldn’t even educate themselves have turned towards the Jungles and have joined non state actors.

Having stayed in constant touch with common people, youths and other walks of the society of Manipur one could reach to the conclusion that heat have been felt by insurgent group temporarily but it’s the people of the state who are  constantly ‘feeling the heat’ of insecurity and uncertain future for themselves and for their next generations to come.

The peculiarity of militancy in India’s northeastern state’s hinterland is a reflection of confusion that prevails among the advocates of separatism as also on the criminal transformation of insurgency into an industry of ‘Warlords’ and ‘Taxations’. It does not take much for a group of misguided youths from a civilized community to disclaim the “Imposed’ Indian nationality and assert the right to ‘Freedom & Sovereignty’. Any one can pick a gun and claim to be a people’s savior and land warrior, feels free to debate on themes as complicated as ‘sovereignty’.

People of the state: Now debate whether the `catch 22 situation’ with 30 points proposal from the non state actors (one of the faction) and 29 points proposal by Government of India be accepted? People are asking question: has the very society for whom the ‘freedom fighters’ has chosen a non state mode of existence given them any authority for deciding the fate and future of the people?

Militarization of society worries everybody including the state actors. It must be mentioned that the military deployment has aimed at neutralizing the strike power of the insurgents and force them to the table, rather than seeking their complete destruction. So the rebel groups have also not been forced to launch an all out, do-or-die situation, as LTTE was compelled to do but neutralized in Sri Lanka. The space for accommodation, resource transfer and power sharing that the Indian state offered to rebel groups has helped India to control the insurgencies and often co-opt their leadership to join the mainstream. That’s where the debate goes to a point of no resolution.

Interestingly over the years, insurgencies not have been contained but have only multiplied in North East India. Whenever a rebel group has signed an accord with the Indian government in a particular state, the gap has been immediately filled by other groups, reviving the familiar allegations of betrayal, neglect and alienation. In the year 2006, South Asian Terrorist Portal (SATP) estimated 109 rebel groups in North East India only the state of Arunachal Pradesh was found to be without one, though Naga rebel group were and still active in the state. Surprisingly only a few of these are officially banned. Out of 40 rebel groups in Manipur, only six to eight were banned. Many of these groups are described as ‘inactive’ but some such groups have been revived from time to time. So insurgencies never peter out in the Northeast, even though insurgents do.

Phizo faded away to make way for a Muivah in the Nagaland but, soon there was a Khaplang to challenge Muivah. In Tripura when Hrangkhawl called it a day after ten years of bloodletting there was a Ranjit Deb Barma and a Bishwamohan Deb Barma, ready to take his place.  Even in Mizoram, we have no Mizo rebel leader took to the Jungles after the 1986 accord but smaller ethnic groups like the Brus and the Hmars have taken to armed struggle in the last two decades, looking for their own share in the state. Throughout the last six decades, the same drama has been repeated, state after state. As every successive Indian government tried to nationalize the political space in the northeast by pushing ahead with mainstreaming efforts.

Peace process in Nagaland began in 1997. When a ceasefire agreement was signed with NSCN (IM) and in 2001 with NSCN (K). Formal talks began in 2001. Since then Government of India and leaders of Naga rebel groups have been engaged by different governments at New Delhi. But, no reasonable solution have been found by either of them. Government of India under the leadership of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and after Nov 2008 with Home Minister Mr P Chidambaram has expressed its sincere concern to resolve the Naga issues in the time frame of one to two years provided, rebel groups to unite as one and come forward for talk. The two sides have been talking for over a decade now, but a settlement to the Naga issue has proved illusive. Hopefully, this on going talk between the centre and rebel group will break the deadlock and take concrete steps towards resolving the issues.

A breakthrough isn’t easy considering the history of the Naga insurgency. At this juncture when a common man, FNR, Churches and other organizations are hopeful and extending their support for a solution with GOI, the rival faction of NSCN, (Khaplang group) is talking in a different voice. Sunday 21^st March at Khehoi, Ato Kilonser Mr Kitovi Zhimomi stated that, “possibility of resumption of more bloodshed amongst the Nagas exists if a solution less than sovereignty is reached between India and other Naga group”. It seems that, GPRN/NSCN who were earlier having soft approach for solution without sovereignty and Greater Nagalim have become more of a hurdle than the facilitators.

Mr Kitovi Zhimomi of GPRN/ NSCN on the 30^th Republic Day at Khehoi has also addressed the gathering and said, “If the public gives support for solution to only one group, they will also be responsible for any bloodshed”.  To prove his point, Khitovi cited events happened in the past when 16 point agreement resulted in distrust amongst Nagas followed by bloodshed. He further said that, “Any accord is signed with India, bloodshed in the state has followed. Do we need another accord to start another round of bloodshed?

The statement as quoted above had been the talking points among the people. There is a utter confusion among the people about the peace talk and the possible outcome. Common man is also scared of another possibility of Inter factional clashes/ killings in Nagaland. It’s all because either of the factions have not come together on a single platform despite having the FNR which is playing an important role in decreasing the factional killings.

A final settlement to the Naga issue tends to founder on two issues: the question of Naga sovereignty and the demand for a Greater Nagalim. Both issues are tied to the Naga leadership’s larger concerns about their community’s political and cultural rights. Paradoxically, demand for Greater Nagalim and Sovereignty is more for personal rehabilitation of top leaders of factions, rather than for benefits of Nagas. It is known fact that Muivah is pressurizing for Greater Nagalim to include his native in the demand. Naga sovereignty is being demanded by Khaplang to extend his boundaries with India. But, should absolute sovereignty from the Indian nation state be seen as a necessary condition for preserving their rights? The experience of independent India reveals, that most linguistic and ethnic sub nationalities have successfully addressed this question with in the framework of Indian constitution which provides sufficient guarantees for the rights of cultural, linguistic, ethnic and religious minorities. The NSCN should be more flexible on sovereignty issue and negotiate for political autonomy.  The federal principle enshrined in the Indian constitution allow a great deal of flexibility on this front. Similarly NSCN & GPRN/ NSCN must revisit their demands for a greater Nagalim. The region is like a ‘salad plate’ of different ethnic and linguistic nationalities. Any redrawing of boundaries will definitely trigger unrest in the neighborhood including in Myanmar where many Naga tribes live.

People of the state are as it is troubled and economically harassed by taxes imposed on everything by the entire UGs group in the state. Another fear is also cropping up is Inter factional clashes and killings which has been relatively gone as Zero in the year 2009 and state has seen the peace.

An end to Naga insurgency will have enormous impact on the northeastern societies. The Naga rebellion has inspired and influenced numerous insurgencies in the region.  Thousands of lives have been lost as a result. Peace in Nagaland will trigger development and trade in the region, unlocking the potential of its people. We must end the cycle of bloodletting and corruption which has crippled the region’s prospects. That will also seal Muivah’s and other Naga leader’s place in history provided government and Naga rebels work out a deal and ‘Go For Peace’.

When we focus on monetary goals, we run the risk of becoming trapped on the 'hedonic treadmill'. I've learned during this in a journey to get rich slowly: "You don't want to be rich-you want to be happy. Many people mistakenly believe that the former leads to the latter. While it's certainly true that money can help you achieve your goals, provide for your future, and makes life more enjoyable, merely having money doesn't guarantee happiness."

Many of us get wrapped up in the belief that having more money is the key to a better life. But it's not. The key to a better life is increased happiness. For some people, that does mean more money. But according to the research, most of us would be better served by:  Creating rituals around the things we love to do. Expressing gratitude for the good things in our lives. Setting meaningful goals that reflect our values and interests. Playing to our strengths instead of dwelling on weaknesses. Simplifying our lives-not just the Stuff, but the time. We're more likely to lead happy lives by putting these principles into practice than by getting another raise at work-especially if the increased income would only lead to increased spending. When we focus on monetary goals, we run the risk of becoming trapped on the "hedonic treadmill" (also known as lifestyle inflation), working harder and harder to make more and more money. This does not lead to happiness.

SOMETIMES MONEY CAN BUY HAPPINESS

Wealth and happiness aren't mutually exclusive, of course. According to financial writer Jonathan Clements, financial stability improves well-being in three ways:

If you have money, you don't have to worry about it. By living below your means, you can obtain a degree of financial control even if you aren't rich. Avoiding debt gives you options.

Money can give you the freedom to pursue your passions. What is it you want out of life? What gives you a sense of purpose? These are the sorts of things you want to pursue in retirement. Better yet, try to structure your career around something you love to do.

Money can buy you time with friends and family. In fact, Clements says, true wealth comes from relationships, not from dollars and cents. Social capital is worth more than financial capital.

Money is a tool. As with any tool, a skilled craftsman can use it to build something amazing: A meaningful life filled with family and friends. But if you're not careful, if you don't have a plan, the life you construct with your money can be a tenuous thing — even dangerous.

LESSONS LEARNED

Studies show that the pursuit of money is less likely to bring personal fulfillment than focusing on self-improvement and, especially, close relationships with others. Here are a handful of lessons I've learned in my life into the connection between money and wealth. I didn't come up with any of these ideas; they're products of actual research into what makes us happy: People who are materialistic tend to be less happy than those who aren't. If your aim is to have more money and more Stuff, you'll be less content than others whose goals are built around relationships or mental/spiritual fulfillment. (Because I'm a perma-geek, I'm always reminded of what Princess Leia says to Han Solo in Star Wars: "IF MONEY IS ALL THAT YOU LOVE, THEN THAT'S WHAT YOU'LL RECEIVE.")

Oversaving does not lead to happiness. While it's important to save for the future (and to cope with current emergencies), research shows that oversaving can actually have a negative impact on your quality of life. If you're meeting your goals for saving, it's okay to spend some on the things that make you happy. Experiences tend to make us happier than material things. We have different reactions to the money we spend on experiences and the money we spend on Stuff: When we spend on experiences, our perceptions are magnified (meaning we feel happier or sadder than when we spend on Stuff), and the feelings tend to linger longer. And since most of our experiences are positive, spending on activities instead of material goods generally makes us happier.

When we lower our expectations, our happiness increases. High expectations come when we compare ourselves to others or when we're bombarded by advertising. We come to accept the things we see on TV as "normal", and because we don't have these things, we feel inadequate. Our expectations rise, and before long we're caught up in lifestyle inflation. But if we can consciously manage our expectations — both financial and otherwise — we can increase our sense of well-being. Really, there's only one way to ever be satisfied with how much money you have: You must define how much is Enough. True happiness comes when you learn to be content with what you have. If you don't take the time to figure out what Enough means to you, you'll always be unhappy with your financial situation.

HOW MUCH IS ENOUGH?

Enough looks different to each of us. It's not just different amounts of money, but different types of wealth. For me, Enough is having my home paid off and cash set aside to let me buy books and go out to dinner with my wife once in a while. For you, Enough may mean living in a small apartment but owning a boat and having the freedom to sail for months at a time. To find Enough, you have to set goals. You have to look inside to find your values. It can take months or years to get clear on what makes a meaningful life for you, but after you've done this, you can make choices that reflect your priorities. After all, that's why you're doing this. You're not building wealth just so you can bathe in buckets of cash. You're building wealth so you don't have to worry about money, so you can pursue your passions, and so you can spend time with your family and friends.

Remember, my friends: True wealth isn't about money. True wealth is about relationships, peaceful living in peaceful society, value for other’s life, about good health, about continued self-improvement and respecting elders. True wealth is about happiness. Ultimately, it's more important to be happy than it is to be rich.